Rebecca Bearce


Part 3







Chapter 11


BEARCE


AUGUSTINE;  JOSEPH;  JOSIAH I;  JOSIAH II;  JOSIAH III



Augustine (or Austin) Bearce (Bearse, Beares, Barse, Bass, Be Arce) was born about 1618.  There is some disagreement as to his background before coming to America on the ship, "Confidence of London" at age 20, departing Southampton, England, April 24, 1638. (12: p.3)  Franklin Bearce says that Austin was a "full blood Gypsie of the Romany Race" who wandered about Europe with his family until they, came to England.  While there, for some trivial offense, Austin was deported to the Americas by the English government, because they did not like gypsies. (9)   If this is correct, it should not be difficult to verify from court records.


Another story disagrees, stating the Bearces were wealthy landowners in England and that Austin merely migrated to America, as many other English people did at that time, for his own personal reasons.  Another says that Austin was born in, or about Southampton. (12: p.3) With further research, beyond that accomplished so far, the correct story might be determined.


Bearce's record goes on to say that, after arriving in 1638, Austin went to the Cape and was married in the "summer of 1639 at the Mattachee Village at Cape Cod, under pagan Indian ceremonial rites, to Mary Hyanno, full blood Wampanoag Princess, daughter of John Hyanno, (Iyanough), sagamore at Cummaquid, Barnstable Harbor.  At the time of the marriage of Austin and Mary, some of the best land in Barnstable County was ceded, verbally, by old Highyannough (the grandfather) and held jointly by Austin and Mary and held by the family for three generations without any written deed.  Austin Bearce had committed no crime but was deported, for life, to the Colonies, because he was of Romany Blood, and was caught on British soil.  In those days at Plymouth no Puritan maid would marry a Romany, on account of religious and racial scrupples, so Austin took a wife, lovely flaming haired, Mary Hyanno, who had just reached the age of puberty.  Austin joined the Puritan Church in 1650 for the protection afforded and Mary joined the Church that same year.  Austin was made a freeman in 1652.” (9)


[Much has been written, by various genealogists, about whether Mary, the wife of Augustine Bearce, was really Mary Hyanno, or some other Mary.  For a time it was proposed that he married Mary Wilder, who also came to America on the same ship, at the same time as Austin.  Records have been found, however, showing her marriage, the following year, to a Mr. Underwood.  Other proposals have also been made but none have any documentation for their theories.  Bearce's presentation of Austins's wife being Mary Hyanno, is still the best account.)


Again it will be remembered that the reason Mary's Grandfather, Highyannough., gave the dowry, was because her own father (Iyanough) was deceased.  In 1641, two years after this wedding, Highyannough, past age 87, died and was buried on the Cape. (9)


When Austin first came to Barnstable in 1639, "his house lot consisted of 12 acres of very rocky land and was in the eastern part of the east parish.  It was bounded westerly by John Crocker's land, ...northerly by the meadow, easterly by Goodman Isaac Robinson's land, and ‘southerly into ye woods.'  His house stood on the north side of the road...  A road from his house to Hyannis is still known as 'Bearse's Way.'  He owned six acres of meadow adjoining his upland on the north and two thatch islands, still known as Bearse's Islands.  He also had six acres of land in the Calves Pasture, esteemed to be the best soil in the town, eight acres of planting land on the north side of Shoal Pond and bounded by Goodman Cooper's, now called Huckin's Neck, and thirty seven at the Indian Ponds bounded easterly by the Herring River.  The Indian Pond lot, he sold to Thomas Allyn, who sold the same in 1665 to Roger Goodspeed.  The planting lands at Shoal Pond were occupied by his descendants until recently.


"He was proposed to be admitted as a freeman June 3, 1652 and admitted May following.  His name rarely occurs in the records.  He was a grand juror in 1652 and 1682, and a surveyor of highways in 1676.  He became a member of Mr. Lathrop's church April 29, 1643.  His name stands at the head of the list, he being the first named, who joined after its removal to Barnstable.  He seems to have been very exact in his performance of his religious duties, causing children to be baptized on the day of their birth, if Sunday, or on the Sabbath next following.  His son, Joseph, was born on Sunday, January 25, 1651-2 O.S., and was carried two miles to the church and baptised (the) same day.  Many believed that children dying unbaptized were lost, and consequently it was the duty of parents to present their children early for baptism.  Being influenced by this feeling, he did not want a week's delay to imperil the salvation of his child...


"There appears to be no record of his death, nor settlement of his estate on the probate records.  He was living in 1686, but died before 1697...  His wife, Mary, joined the church at Barnstable, Mass., on August 7, 1650.  They had eleven children, all born in Barnstable, Mass."


          1.          Mary                b. 1640                       bpt  6 May 1643.

          2.          Martha             b.  1642                      bpt  6 May 1643.

          3.          Priscilla            b. 10 Mar 1643-4      bpt 11 Mar 1643-4.

          4.          Sarah                b. 28 Mar 1646          bpt 29 Mar 1646.

          5.          Abigail             b. 18 Dec 1647          bpt 19 Dec 1647.

          6.          Hannah             b. 16 Nov 1649         bpt 18 Nov 1649.

  1. *       7.          Joseph             b. 25 Jan, (Sunday) 1651-2,            bpt 25 Jan 1651-2.  was carried two miles to church on that day;                m. 3 Dec 1676 to Martha Taylor, dau of Richard “of Yarmouth” and Ruth Wheldon Taylor.

          8.          Hester               b. 2 Oct 1653             bpt 2 Oct 1653.

          9.          Lydia                b. 30 Sett 1655.

         10.         Rebecca            b. Sep 1657.

         11.         James                b. 31 July 1660.              (12: p.3-4; & 5: p.52-54)


Joseph Bearce, son of Austin and Mary Bearce, was born at Barnstable, Mass. on Sunday, 25 January 1651-2. He was half European (either English or Gypsie) and half Wampanoag Indian.  Until he was seven and a half years old, Josesh was the only boy in the family, with nine sisters.  He grew to manhood on the Cape, working as a farmer with his Father.  In December 1675, about two months before his 24th birthday, Joseph enlisted in the 2nd Plymouth Co. of soldiers to fight in the King Philip War.  He served under Captain John Gorham of Barnstable, in the Narragansett campaign. (12: p.4)


They marched from Plymouth to Providence, R.I. in early December, under extremely cold weather conditions and in snow that was three feet deep.  At Providence, the two Plymouth Companies met up with soldiers from Massachusetts.  From here, the united troops marched south to meet with the Connecticut regiments on December 18.  In total, about 1400 English soldiers gathered against the Narragansetts in the Great Swamp Massacre of Dec. 19, 1675.  The two Plymouth Companies, under Major Bradford and Captain Gorham were assigned to fight in the center of the battle.


The first two companies to attack were almost completely destroyed by the Indian's fire before they could gain the fort.  Once the English breeched the fort there was a terrible hand to hand battle inside which increased with intensity until the Indians drove the English back out of the fort.  As night was closing in, the English set fire to the fort which a cold wind spread until the entire camp was destroyed with about 700 of its women and children.


Joseph Bearce survived this battle and continued to serve in a retreat action as the company moved back out of Rhode Island.  Captain Gorham became mortally ill, due to either exposure to the terrible weather conditions or to a fever, and died in February 1676, in the swamps near Swansea, Mass.  Joseph's term of service in the army ended at this time and he returned home in February.  There is no indication that he saw any more action in the King Philip War.  For his service in this campaign, his sons received land rights in the town of "Gorham," Massachusetts, which were granted to the heirs of soldiers who served with Captain Gorham.  (The town of "Gorham" was first known as "Narragansett township #7.") (12: p.5)


Growing up in the small town of Barnstable, and less than five miles from Yarmouth, Joseph may have known Martha Taylor from childhood.  She was the daughter of Richard of Yarmouth (Taylor) and Ruth Wheldon, (see Chapter 9.)  Joseph and Martha were married Dec. 3, 1676, less than three months after the end of the King Philip War.  This couple had eight children, (12: p.6 & 5: p.55)


  1. 1.          Mary,          b. Au4. 16, 1677; did not marry; admitted to the East Church in 1742; d. Jan. 19, 1760.       

  2. 2.         Joseph,        b. Feb. 21, 1679; bapt.  Dec. 16, 1688.  He was one of the grantees of Gorham, Mass. and his name is on the list of the first settlers of that town dated 1733 settling on soldier's land.  He resided at Hyannis, Mass. before his removal to Maine.

  3. 3.          Benjamin,    b. June 21, 1682; married Feb. 4, 1701-2, Sarah Cobb, and second, Anna Nickerson of Chatham.

  4. 4.          Priscilla,      b. Dec. 31, 1683; d. Mar, 31, 1684, age 3 months. 

  5. 5.          Ebenezer,     b. Jan. 20, 1685, married Nov. 25, 1708, Elizabeth Cobb, and second, Joanna Lumbert, Sept. 4. 1712.

  6. 6.          John,            b. May 8, 1687, married Nov. 15, 1711, Elinor Lewis.

  7. 7.       Josiah,       b. Mar. 10, 1690, married first, Nov. 2, 1716, Zeurich (Zerviah) Newcomb of Edgartown, and married 2nd Mary (Sissell).

  8. 8.          James,           b. Oct 3, 1692, married Mary Fuller, March 17, 1719-20.


There are conflicting dates for the death of Joseph Bearce.  Fanny Steed Meadows says, He died about 1695 in Barnstable, Mass.  Other authorities state that he died after Feb. 13, 1717 or 18.  She, Martha Taylor Bearce, died Jan. 27, 1727-8, age 77 years. (12: p.5; & 5: p.55)


Josiah Bearce I, seventh child of Joseph and Martha (Taylor) Bearce, was born March 10, 1690, at Barnstable, Massachusetts.  His father was half Wampanoag Indian; his mother was either one fourth, or three fourths, Wampanoag Indian, depending upon whether Richard Taylor was English or Indian.  Josiah, therefore, was approximately half Indian.


Josiah grew to manhood in Barnstable, working with his father as a farmer.  He also spent part of his early life at sea between Barnstable and Edgartown, Marthas Vineyard Island.  While in Edgartown he met, and married Zerviah Newcomb, on Nov. 2, 1716.  She was born 1698-9, making her about 17 years of age at the time of their marriage. (12: p.14; 13: p.21)  She was the daughter of Lieut. Andrew Newcomb by his second wife, Anna Bayes Newcomb, of Edgartown, M.V.I., Massachusetts, (see Chapter 8.)


They were together only a short time before marital problems brought about a separation.  Josiah wanted her to live on the Cape; she wanted to remain in Edgartown; He wanted children, she could not have any.  Her family, and the white society of Edgartown did not readily accept Josiah's blood mixture of Indian and Gypsie.  Their choice of religions also worked against them as he was a separation and dissenter, while Zerviah was orthodox and strict in her beliefs.  Josiah became jealous and in a fit of rage he left Zerviah.  They agreed to separate for a time.  Zerviah remained at Edgartown where she taught school as she was well educated for the times.  Josiah returned to the Cape and resided at East Barnstable.  In 1718, he met and married Mary Sissell under pagan Indian rites, at Mashpee, Mass. (9)


Mary was the daughter of Mary Tuspaquin and Isaac Sissell, a Praying Momenet Indian Sagamore at Freetown, (now East Fall River) Mass.  She was born and raised at Freetown with her two sisters.  Bearce describes her, according to tradition, as "very comely and fair to look upon, with finely chiselled features, and endowed with second Sight, an Indian clairvoyant, a spiritualist medium who could tell the future.  She was five years younger than Josiah I." (9) (Also see chapter 7.)


Josiah Bearce I and Mary Sissell had eleven children but she died in childbirth at Mashpee, where she lies buried.  Because the legal marriage of Josiah and Zerviah was recorded in the local church at Edgartown, many genealogists have recorded these as the children of Josiah and Zerviah, however Zerviah had no children and recorded in her own diary that she was sterile and she "accepted her lot as an act of providence and the will of God." (9) (see 5: p.59)

Josiah I and Mary Sissell had the following children:


          1.          Anna               b. 11 July 1719,          m. Benjamin Stevens.

          2.          Josiah II         b.   3 Feb. 1720-1.

          3.          Eunice             b.   2 Jan. 1722-3,        d..6 Agril 1727.

          4.          Jonathan          b. 22 Nov. 1724,          d. 2 Dec. 1731.

          5.          Lois                 b. 17 July 1726            m. 7 Feb. 1756, Thomas Knapp of Norfolk, Litchfield Co., Conn.

          6.          Thomas            b. 10 Mar. 1728-9.

          7.          Eunice              b. 13 Feb. 1731-2.

          8.          Joseph              b.  abt. 1734-5,            m. 16 Oct. 1763, Prudence Hurlbut.

          9.          Benjamin          b.        1736-7.

         10.         Mariha              b. 26 June 1738,          m.1789, Peter Knapp

         11.         Mary                 b.  8 May 1741,           m. 28 April 1762, Gideon Beardsley.

(12: p.14;  5: p.59;  9)


Following the death of Mary Sissell, Josiah and Zerviah patched up their differences and she agreed to join him and be a step-mother to his children.  Zerviah was dismissed from her church at Edgartown, to the Cape in 1742, which correlates with the birthdate of his youngest child, and indicates that Mary probably died in May 1741 at Mashpee, where she was buried.


The family left the reservation at Mashpee and moved to Barnstable.  "There was so much unfavorable talk at the time, by people at the Cape, and, in order to escape the scandal and wagging tongues, Josiah and Zerviah decided to migrate.  Zerviah, (being) orthodox, obtained a transfer from the church at the Cape and, with their family, they removed first, to Greenwich, Conn.” in 1743 and, from there, to New Fairfield in 1747. (9)


[Note: The Amos Otis Papers have a conflict of dates with those shown above.  He states that all of the children were born at Barnstable, Mass. but he gives the dates for their removal to Greenwich, Conn. as Dec. 29, 1734.  This of course, is nine years earlier than Bearce gives and is several years earlier then some of the children's birth dates which were recorded in Barnstable, as well as the removal of Zerviah from Edgartown to the Cape.  Since Bearce gives the date of their removal as 1743, it is possible that Otis's numbers were merely transposed.  Fanny Meadows uses Otis's date for his removal to Greenwich and gives the date of 1738 for his removal to New Fairfield.  To support this, she gives dates for the purchase of land in New Fairfield on Feb. 25, 1738, and on November 23rd following, he bought an additional 13 acres.  These dates were prior to his removal and could account for why they moved to this community, if Josiah had previously purchased lands there. (5: p.59; 12: p.14)]


Josiah purchased another 14 1/2 acres of land in New Fairfield on 21 April 1743, and another 11 1/4 acres in 1751. (12: p.14)  He became a successful farmer and Bearce records that his wife, Zerviah, was very instrumental in overseeing his holdings.  "Under the clever management of Zerviah, who was an able woman with a good head for business, the material property holdings of Josiah I and Zerviah's stepchildren increased." (9)


[Note: As a school teacher, Zerviah taught her children and grandchildren to read and write.  Living to be about 90 years old, she was the school teacher of not only her son Josiah Bearce II, but also her grandchildren, including Josiah III, the Father of Rebecca Bearce. Zerviah kept a diary for much of her life and, late in life, added an appendage giving much of the heritage of her step-children.  It is from this diary that Franklin E. Bearce received much of the information for his book. (9)  He relates the following information about the diary and the information contained in it.


"Zerviah's diary was written on several different types of paper, some of not very good quality.  The codgial supplement was on the same kind of paper and in fairly good condition when Mary Caroline Bearce, sister of Iron Face, was a girl and lived at Penfield, N.Y... at the home of their grandparents Josiah Bearce III and Freelove Canfield.  The original Diary and supplement was handed down to James Monroe Bearce after Josiah III, his grandfather, went to sleep at Penfield, N.Y.  My great Aunt, Mary Caroline Bearce Roe... knew the contents of the diary and had a facsimile copy of the supplement, 'A True Chronical of The Bearce Family’ written in the old shaky hand of Josiah Bearce III, at Penfield, N.Y.  I saw this copy when a boy, and my grandfather's facsimile copy written by the hand of my grandmother, Mary Ellen Tuttle Bearce, at Allegan, when I was a young man of 19 years of age and went through and discussed the contents with my grandmother, Mary Ellen, shortly before she migrated west to Puget Sound country." (9)]


Josiah I died 31 Aug. 1753.  The inscription on his tombstone in New Fairfield, Conn. reads: "In memory of Mr. Josiah Bearse, He died Aug. 31, 1753 aged 62 years." [Danbury, Conn.  Probate District Book 2 page 48 (or 43)-- 1 Oct. 1753.  “Josiah Bearss (II) and Zerviah Bearss” were appointed by the Probate Court administrators on estate of Josiah Bearss late of New Fairfield, deceased.]  His wife, Zerviah, succeeded him by 36 years and the inscription on her tombstone reads: "In memory of Zerviah Bearse, died Sept. 5, in the 91st year of her age 1789." (12: p.14)


Josiah Bearce II was born 3 Feb. 1720-1 at Barnstable, Mass. as the second child, and oldest son of Josiah Bearce I and Mary Sissell.  According to Bearce, he was 13/16th Wampanoag Indian, which would be correct only if his great-grandfather, Richard Taylor, were Indian.  He grew to early manhood in and around Barnstable and Mashpee and was about 20 years old when his Mother, Mary Sissell Bearce, died.  He next moved, with his Father and Stepmother, Zerviah Newcomb Bearce, to Greenwich and then on to New Fairfield, Conn.  It was at this time, June 1747, at the age of 26, that he met and married Rebecca Baldwin.  She was 3/4th blood Schagticoke (Scatacook) Indian, born at She-co-me-co, near the “meeting of the waters” N.Y. She was two years younger than Josiah II and they were married by a Moravian Brother at Pauch-ta-gauch Mission in Connecticut. (9)  More will be given on this family in chapter 15.


There is not a lot of information available on Josiah II.  The New Milford Land Record Books record the following: Vol. II, page 136.  Deed of Elisha Benedick of New Milford, Litchfield County and Colony of Connecticut, to Josiah Barss of New Fairfield, in Fairfield County and said Colony, containing ninety acres and seven rods lying in Shippauge Neck with a dwelling house and barn.  Date May 29, 1769.


"Deed from Bushnell Bostwick of New Milford, to Josiah Barss of New Milford about three acres of land to be laid out.  Date March 24, 1771"


"Vol. 14, page 458.  Deed Josiah Bearss of New Milford, Conn. to David Bearse of Woodbury, Conn. land lying at a place called New Milford Neck containing ninety-three acres with dwelling house and barn that is to say all the land that I the said Josiah own in the said New Milford Neck.  Date Feb. 6, 1782."


Item from Vol. I of the Probate Records for the Probate District of New Milford in State of Connecticut.  "At a Court of Probate holden at New Milford in and for the District of New Milford, on the 28th day of January, 1788.


"Present Samuel Canfield, Esqr.  Judge holden said court.  Joel Smith of said New Milford, son-in-law of Josiah Bearse late of New Milford, deceased intestate, appointed Administrator of said deceased.


     "Inventory of the estate--Amount          L 42     2 s

     Amount sold to Joseph Beerse              L 1      18 s       8 p

              “               Daniel Bearse              L 2        5 s       2 p

              “               Joel Smith                    L 3      19 s     11 p

              “               Thankful Bearse           L 1        5 s       9 p

              “               Rebecca Bearse            L 1        1 s      11 p

       Probate   Vol. 9,  page 518 (513?)"


"Probate Court holden October 27, 1828.  I find the will of Joel Smith was admitted, the same dated July 7, 1828, in which he mentioned his beloved wife Elizabeth, also his son Joel Bearse." (12: p.23-24)


There is little information about the life of Josiah II.  His wife was Rebecca, and it appears quite certain that she was Rebecca Baldwin.  This also agrees with Franklin E. Bearse's record.  It seems certain that the following list of known children is incomplete.  As mentioned above, his son-in-law, Joel Smith, was married to one of Josiah's daughters.  The only documented children are: (12: p.23-24)


*        1.          Josiah III          b. 17 Aug. 1755 at New Fairfield, Conn.

          2.          Eunice                b.   9 Sept 1758 (New Fairfield Records) m. Thomas Green.

          3.          David                 b.   6 Feb. 1761.

          4.          Patience              b.   3 Sep. 1762.

          5.          Prudence             b.  (not shown in New Fairfield records) m. 7 Sep 1797 to Thomas Pickett of Danbury, Conn.     

          6.          Elizabeth         no record other than she is listed as the wife of  Joel Smith, and he is listed as a son-in-law of Josiah Bearce.


Josiah Bearce III, oldest known child of Josiah II and Rebecca Baldwin Bearce, was born in New Fairfield, Conn., 17 Aug 1755.  He was about 14 years old when he moved to New Milford with his family and lived on the 93 acre farm known as Beers Hill, later called Carman's Hill.  Here the family lived until 1788, however, Josiah III was about 20 years old in 1775 when the Revolutionary War began.  He served nine months in the American Army during the war against England.  He returned home to New Milford and on 27 March 1781 married Freelove Canfield. (12: p.34)


[Freelove Canfield was born about 1755-60 at Long Mt., New Milford, Conn.  She was the daughter of Oliver Canfield by his wife's housemaid, Sarah Mauwee. (9)  More will be given on this in chapters 19 & 22.]


Josiah III and Freelove Canfield Bearce had the following children: (12: p.34)


          1.          Paulina               b. 16 July 1782;   m. Marvin Evans; had a son Marvin who went to sea and was never heard from; she is said to have died of grief.

          2.          Laurainia             b. 16 Mar 1764.

*        3.          Rebecca              b. 30 Sept 1785;   m. John Read;   d. 10 Feb 1846 at Pottawattamie Co. Iowa.

          4.          Sarah                   b. 27 Dec 1788.

          5.          Josesh Canfield   b. 1 June 1790;   died unmarried at about age 30.

          6.          Eli Harvey           b. 14 Feb 1792.

          7.          Gideon Noble      b.  7 Nov 1797.   (Greatgrandfather of Franklin Elewatum Bearce.)

          8.          Daniel                  b. 30 May 1799.

          9.          Anna Maria          b.   2 Sept 1802.

        10.          Caroline               b. 13 Apr 1805.


Josiah III was taught to "read, write and figure" by his step-grandmother, Zerviah Newcomb Bearse, who was also a school teacher.  He had a copy of Zerviah's diary and its supplement throughout his life and knew his ancestry well.


He was "one of the surveyors who came west to Ohio with Moses Cleveland on his second expedition in 1797 and is mentioned in Whittlesey's History of Cleveland on pages 276, 279, 307 & 309." (12: p.34)


Josiah sold his land at New Milford in 1825 and moved to Penfield, near Rochester, Monroe Co., N.Y.  While in Penfield he applied for a veteran's pension.  His record, as recorded in Washington, is as follows: "State of New York, County of Monroe, Josiah Barce, aged seventy-seven applying for pension Act of June 1832.  Born in New Fairfield Co., Ct.  Aug 17, 1755.  Moved to New Milford, Litchfield Co., at fourteen; lived there during Revolutionary War.  Enlisted for six months, May 1775.  Company of Provincials commanded by Capt. Reuben Bostwick, Regt. Col. C. Wilman.  Marched through New York to Long Island, Washington's command.  Stayed until Washington went to Harlem Heights, not actually in fighting.  Taken sick, then sent to Norwalk, Ct.  Brother took him home, received no formal discharge.  Paid 12 Pounds for service.  Enlisted again 1777 in Harvest, serving one month to repel enemy on coast.  Called out seven times, once as a volunteer at burning of Danbury.  Moved to Penfield, N.Y. 1825.  Last signature plainly Berce.  Discharged, served nine months in all, Webster, Monroe Co." (22: p.7)

{Also, see copies of the military documents for Josiah Bearce (Bass) on this website in the “Chapel” under Military Honor Roll.}


Josiah III spent his last days in Penfield, N.Y. in very povert conditions.  He died, 30 May 1845, at 89 years of age.  His wife, Freelove Canfield Bearce, then moved to the residence of her daughter, Caroline Bearce Row, near Elyria, Lorsin Co., Ohio, where she died, Aug 3, 1849, over 90 years old. (12: p.34)   More will be given on this family in chapters 15, 22 and 23.


[Sources: 5, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14]









Chapter 12


POTATUCKS--HOUSATONIC


WARAMAUG;  MERCY CAROLINE



In western Connecticut, along the Housatonic River, lived a group of Indians known generally as the Lower River Tribes but, we will refer to them as, the Housatonic Tribes as they were closely related and shared this common river.  Some writers have grouped them with the Mahicans, to the north, others have called them Wappingers, a group to the west, and still others have considered them to be part of the Mattabesecks, or River Tribes, to the east, in central Connecticut.  It is not known what their connection was to any of these groups.  Although, they seemed to get along well with each of them and, no doubt, had marital ties to each of the surrounding tribes.  Originally, they migrated from the Hudson River area in the first half of the seventeenth century as the Dutch were pushing their way up that river.


"Though the men were of splendid physique, they were an unwarlike, submissive and pessimistic people.  Their solution to emotional problems was suicide, normally, by leaping from a cliff into the arms of the Great Spirit, after singing a hymn to apprise him of their approach." (33: p. 36)


When discovered by the English, the tribe consisted of six primary groups or villages.  Each village had its own Sachem who claimed the entire lower Housatonic River but, at the same time, met together with the other five Sachems to discuss their mutual needs and protection.  Each of the groups was made up of many families which were fluid, in that they could easily move from one group to another and thereby become a member of the other group.  There seemed to be little rivalry between the various groups of the Tribe.


They lived in Wigwams made of young trees woven together to make a frame, which was then covered with animal skins, mats or bark.  The Sachems often lived in "Long Houses" which were used for both, tribal headquarters and homes for their families.  Sometimes, several families would occupy the long house with the Sachem.  The men hunted, fished and raised tobacco, while the women did all other tasks, including most of the gardening.


Some may consider these to be six different tribes, but it creates less confusion to consider them as six villages, or sub-groups, of a single tribe.  The six groups, or villages, did have specific names, but they were really descriptions of their locality:


          Wepawaugs (the Fords) were located at the ford in the river--present day Milford.

          Pequannocks (the Cleared-Land Place) were at a large spot of land cleared for a corn field--present day Bridgeport;

         Paugessets (the Water-at-Rest-at-the-Narrow-Land Place) where the river widens from the narrows into quiet tidal water--present day Derby.

          Potatucks (the Falls Place) by Derby Falls--present day Shelton.

          Weantinocks (Winds-mountain-place) where the river winds around Long Mountain--New Milford;

          Weataugs, the meaning is uncertain, and this group was farther north on the Massachusetts border.


The original name of the River that flows through this region was probably “Wussi-adene-uk" (Beyond-the-Mountain-Place.)  It was beyond the mountains from where they first came, from the Hudson River.  Eventually, this became anglicized to Housatonic. (33: p.39-42)


Throughout the last half of the 1600's Englishmen began moving into the coastal areas of Stratford and Milford.  From there, they pushed up the Housatonic River, causing a consolidation of many of the villages into a more unified tribe under the leadership of Waramaug, Sachem at Weantinocks (New Milford.)  Here, the river runs through a valley, about one mile wide, in mountainous terrain.  One hundred feet above the river bed is a wide terrace on each side of the river.  On the western terrace was the Weantinock village, sometimes called Indian Hill, or Fort Hill.  Opposite this, on the eastern shelf, called "Town Hill," the white men made a village.  These two coexisted in peace for many years.  "Three miles downriver stood the divided mountain above the ‘great falls,’ Metichawan, where the Lover's Leap Rapids had eaten their gorge, and where the sachem Waramaug had his palace." (33: p.82)


[Note:Some have supposed that Waramaug may have been the same person as "Wenamoag" (or Weenamoag) the son of Wequash, who was the son of Momojoshuck, Sachem of the Eastern Niantics, and an older brother of Ninigret (See appendix #2.)  Other than a bit of similarity between the two names, there appears to be no basis for such a supposition.  Wenamoag was a young boy when his father, Wequash, died in 1642 and would have been close to 100 years old in 1735, the year that Waramaug died.  While it is not impossible that these two could have been the same individual, there is really no reason to tie them together in any way.]


Waramaug (Were-a-ma-ug, or Weraumaug; probably also Raumaug) was "a man of uncommon powers of mind, sober and regular in life, who took much pains to suppress the vices of his people.  Beginning in about 1680, this great sachem, whose origin is obscure, ruled from a Council Fire in the Paugasset-Potatuck (Derby-Shelton) region where the former Wepawaugs, Pequannocks, Paugassets and Potatucks were reblending into a single tribe.  In about 1709 they retreated before the whites still farther northward to Weantinock (New Milford) where, mingled with the related tribe already there, Waramaug, heir of all the sachems of the Lower Valley, kept them together in the last phase of their independent culture through the remaining thirty-five years of his fifty-five-year reign.  The domain to which he held unquestioned title, for the support and pleasure of, not over six hundred Indians, comprised approximately the modern townships of Sherman, New Milford, Bridgewater, Roxbury, Washington, and parts of Litchfield and Warren.  The capital, and central fort, was at Weantinock, on the terrace of Guarding Mountain, westward across the river and about a mile distant from modern New Milford village.


"Waramaug did not himself live at Weantinock, but chose a site, two miles to the southeast, on the verge of the western precipice of the river's canyon that was shortly to be called the Lover's Leap Canyon.  Here, above the perpetual rumble of the falls of Metichawan and the great rapids in the gorge that, not even an Indian could navigate in floodwater, he built his 'palace,' which was the wonder of the age.  It was a long house of the usual dimensions for a sachem, a hundred feet by twenty, the walls thatched with huge slabs of specially selected bark that were carried in from miles around on the backs of the builders.  Seeming to recognize the traditional claim of the southern sachems to dominion over the whole river to its source, the best artists, from all the tribes, were sent by their sachems and sagamores from far up and down the river to work many months on the interior decorations.  The walls of the main Council Room were adorned with portraits of the sachem himself, his family, his principal councilors and judges.  The smaller rooms were painted with beasts, birds, reptiles and insects, 'down to the ant and the covey-fish.’” (33: P. 00-101)


In 1705, Waramaug sold some land to the English settlers in an interesting manner that preserved the peace among the two nations for many years.  He outlined one region, strictly for the Indians from their fort over the hills to the west.  To the English, he sold their town site and a large tract of land to the east.  The rest he sold conditionally.  He retained the rights of the Indians to hunt, fish, plant and even build on the remaining land.  In this way both peoples shared in the benefits of the land.


Nothing is known of Waramaug's wife except that she was a Mohegan Squaw from Wequaudauch, Connecticut. (9)  Unfortunately, her name was not recorded.  Waramaug became a close personal friend with the Reverend Daniel Boardman who called him, "that distinguished Sachem, whose great abilities and eminent virtues joined with his extensive domain, rendered him the most potent prince of that or any other day in this colony..." (33: p.102)


While Waramaug did not join the christian faith, he enjoyed spending time, discussing the doctrine with Reverend Boardman.  As he lay dying, he sent for his old friend and asked him to pray for his soul.  “Waramaug's wife, like most of the Indians, deplored the chief's interest in the alien religion, and was determined that he should not die outside the influence of the faith of his father's.  Accordingly, when Mr. Boardman had gone to the sickroom in the palace, she summoned a distinguished powwow, stationed him at the door and bade him proceed with the appropriate rituals.  These consisted in writhings, grimasces and bellowings at the top of the Indian's lungs, so that the christian minister, kneeling at the bedside, had to raise his own voice in order that the dying sachem might hear his prayer.  Soon, both were shouting with all their strength and, the Indians in the vicinity, favoring their champion, gathered behind him to watch the contest. The rumble of the falls and the rapids below the cliff was overwhelmed by the immediate hubbub.  By Mr. Boardman's account, he prayed steadily for three hours, till at last the powwow gave up with a tremendous yell, fled down the hill, and 'never stopped till he was cooling himself up to his neck in the Housatonic.’” (33 : p.102)


Waramaug (probably born about 1650) died in 1735 after fifty five years as a beloved and respected sachem and was buried on the eastern side of Lover's Leap Canyon.  A great monolith stone column marked the spot, surrounded by rocks and trinkets piled six feet high.  Each stone represented an expression of care from a member of his tribe.  In the late 1880's, a family from Bridgport bought the site and build a house on top of the grave site using many of the stones for the foundation.  A large lake in the area still bears the name of "Waramaug."


An interesting, prevalent, but undocumentable legend, surrounds one of the daughters of Waramaug, Lillinonah.  "One summer day, in the years before the whites had come up to Weantinock to settle, the great chief's daughter, Lillinonah, discovered a paleface youth, lost and hungry in the forest.  She took him to her father, pleaded for and saved his life and, when the first snow flew, obtained the chief's consent to their marriage. The boy said he must return to his people for a little while but he would return soon.  The winter dragged on and he did not return.  By May, Lillinonah was in a dangerous decline, and Waramaug decreed that she should marry a certain promising young sagamore.  On the wedding day, Lillinonah's maidens decked her in her finest beads and feathers but, just before the ceremony, she slipped down to the river and, pushing out in her little canoe below the falls of Metichawan, headed downstream toward the canyon and the great rapids thundering through it with the power of the spring flood.  When she was already in the gorge and nearing the heavy whirl of waters that would be her doom, her true white lover appeared on the cliff above, leaped down the hundred-foot precipice, and so joined her in the arms of the Great Spirit." (33: p.107-108)  This legend accounts for the naming of this area as "Lovers Leap" and the lake is still called Lake Lillinonah.  Although a legend, it is likely this romantic story had its roots in some actual event.


Waramaug had a son, Chere, who was a renowned sachem, after his father.  Another one of Waramaug's daughters was Mercy Caroline.  She is listed, by Bearce, as a "Weepaug" (9) (Wepawaug, or Ford-Place Tribe.)  Many of the Housatonic Indians were associated with more than one sub-tribe during their lives.  To change tribal identification, was as easy as moving to a neighboring village, just a few miles away.


Mercy Caroline was proficient in the art of Indian herbal medicine.  Bearce says, she was a large woman standing "a half head taller than her husband, Indian John Nau-a-see (Baldwin), who stood over six feet and was a well set up Indian... Caroline was big, aggressive, dominate, and had an extremely violent and explosive temper and no member of the tribe cared to brook her displeasure.  She was a great tribal orator, and famous medicine woman and crude surgeon.  It was said of her, that she could lift her husband, Nau-a-see, off the ground with one hand, such was her strength.  And, although a squaw (she was) an Indian Princess, who stood high in the councils of the Schagticook Tribe." (She later moved to Schagticoke).  "I have heard my great aunt describe her on more than one occasion.  She lies sleeping at Schagticoke." (9)


Probably born about 1690, Mercy Caroline married (date unknown) John Baldwin (Indian John, or Nau-a-see).  He was half Indian and half English and more can be found on this family in chapter 15.  Together they had four children, who were 3/4 Indian blood:


          1.          Caroline          m. a Schagticoke Indian

          2.          Mary               [Bearce says that Mary married Azariah Canfield, the father of Oliver Canfield. 

                  Other research however, shows that Azariah Canfield married Mercy Bassett and not Mary Baldwin. (see chapter 21)]

*        3.          Rebecca          b. 1723 at She-co-me-co, N.Y.,   m. Josiah Bearce II, 1747.    (see chapters 11, 15, 22 & 23)

          4.          John II.


[Sources: 8, 9, 33]








Chapter 13


IROQUOIS HISTORY




The Iroquoians differed from the Algonquians as much as the Germanic Europeans differed from the Latins.  The Iroquoian peoples are thought to have come from the area, known today as the south-central United States.  They moved eastward to the Mississippi River and on to the Carolinas, then northward to lake Ontario and down the St. Lawrence River.  The Iroquoian group includes, not only the Iroquois Indians of New York, but also the Susquehannocks of Pennsylvania, the Cherokee of the Appalachians, the Hurons, Eries and Neutrals around Lakes Erie and Ontario.


Although loving and gentle within their own families, the Iroquois were fierce and merciless in battle, often torturing their captives with a slow and painful death and frequently resorting to cannibalism.  They believed that each person had an inner spiritual power called “orenda.”  The orenda of one individual was not strong but it contributed to the whole of the tribe and when anyone was killed, the orenda of the entire tribe was diminished by that amount.  They had a very strong feeling that the death of any one individual had to be avenged by the death of enough of their enemies to make up for an equal amount of orenda.  Orenda could also be replaced/rebuilt by capturing and adopting new members into the tribe from other tribes.  Two thirds of the Oneidas were made up of captured people, mostly Hurons, in order to maintain the strength of their orenda.


As a result of this belief, the Iroquois were almost constantly at war with their neighbors.  Contrary to the many stories of the Iroquois, they did not dominate their enemies and were not any more victorious in war than their neighbors.  Indeed, they lost as many battles as they won.  But, their honor demanded that they avenge the death of a brother and this kept them at war almost continually, and when they won they engaged in such blood curdling orgies, tortures and cannibalism that it earned them a frightful reputation.


The Iroquois Nation, or Federation, was originally made up of five distinct tribes who occupied the area known today as central New York State.  The five tribes were, from west to east: Seneca, Cayuga, Onondaga, Oneida, and Mohawk.  (“Mohawk” was not the name these people called themselves.  Mohawk was the dreaded name their Algonquian neighbors gave them meaning "eaters of men."  These people called themselves: "flint people.”)  The word “Iroquois” is thought to be the French spelling of “Iriakoiw” meaning "rattle snake."  This is the term applied to them by their northern neighbors and enemies.


Although the five nations made up a confederation, that did not mean they lost their individuality as a tribe.  They met to discuss such things as war, peace, trade, lands, etc. but if they could not reach agreement they were still free to do as each one saw fit.  The greatest benefit of the federation was to avoid, as much as possible, war between the five tribes.


Iroquois culture was a matriarchal society where a woman presided over her children, her daughter's children and their daughter's children.  All descendants of a matriarch belonged to her clan for life.  The men would marry and raise their children as members of their wife's clan although the man would retain his membership in his mother's clan.  Each village had a sachem who, although usually a male, was chosen by the matriarchs of the village, and retained his position only as long as they were satisfied with his work.  Each sachem was a delegate to the tribal council.  The Seneca Tribe had over two hundred villages and sachems.  The Federation Council, however, was made up of only fifty eight of the most noted sachems from all of the five tribes.


The villages were made up of several "long houses." A long house was a quonset type hut 50-75 feet long and which housed many families, usually all were of the same clan.  It was both a dwelling and a meeting house.  Residents slept in lower bunks along the walls with their possessions stored on upper bunks.  Small fires smoldered in the corridor for each family.  There was little privacy as the long house was one open unit.


The Federation viewed themselves as one large "long house" with the Onondagas holding the key position of leadership in the middle, and the Mohawks as keepers of the East Door and the Senecas as keepers of the West Door.  These were the two most militant tribes and defenders of the Federation.  Both the Oneidas and Cayugas were smaller tribes which benefited by the strength of this alliance but their members could not attain the leadership roles of the three stronger tribes.


Since the beginning of the Federation, it was determined that the Great Sachem, over the entire Federation, would always be selected from the Onondaga Tribe, and the War Sachem would always come from the Mohawks.  Within each tribe there would be similar positions but, no one had the authority to act for the entire Federation, in these capacities, unless they came from the appropriate tribes.


To understand the Iroquois, one must go back to the legend of Hiawatha.  Only legends exist, as he lived prior to the arrival of the Europeans, being born, probably, in the first half of the sixteenth century.  The most common legends of Hiawatha today are based on the original character, however, the early historians misunderstood what the Indians really said, or meant, to the point that there is little similarity left between their accounts and the true story.  The famous "Song of Hiawatha" by Henry W. Longfellow, is about a demigod of the Chippewa Indians and bears little resemblance to the real story of Hiawatha.


Hiawatha came to prominence about the year 1570 and seems to have been a Mohawk, although probably living with the Onondagas.  At that time, the five tribes were not closely united and the practice of blood feuding was carried on to the extent that virtually every family was mourning the loss of a relative and at the same time planning how to avenge the murder by killing someone else.  The vicious cycle was so destructive that everyone's orenda was diminishing rather than growing.


Many of the sachems were concerned about the internal strife within the tribes, as well as between tribes but none knew what to do about it.  Large councils were called to discuss the matter.  Hiawatha was one of those most opposed to the practice of blood feuding and he was looked up to by other members of the council as he was a great orator and worker of magic. However, Atotarho, Great Sachem of the Onandagas, opposed Hiawatha and the other sachems were afraid to stand against him.  Legends go so far as to describe Atotarho as a fiendish monster with snakes in his hair.  Some say he even killed all of Hiawatha's daughters.


After the death of his last daughter and when he could make no headway with Atotarho, Hiawatha was discouraged but he did not give up.  He left the Onondagas and traveled among the other Iroquois tribes preaching his message of peace.  Many liked what he had to say but little was done to change the practices of the way they lived.  Finally the Oneidas gave a tentative agreement on the condition that the Mohawks would also agree.  After some more work, the Mohawks and Cayugas both agreed on the condition that Atotarho would agree to end his tyrannical ways and bring the Onondagas into peaceful relations with the others.  Hiawatha was again discouraged.  From his previous attempts he knew he could not change Atotarho.


"At this point, a remarkable man named Deganawidah, entered his life.  A wanderer, whose extraordinary vision and purpose made him, in many ways, an even greater figure in Iroquois lore than Hiawatha.  As a shining symbol endowed with the supernatural, Deganawidah has come down through the ages, more a legend than a real man but, most students today believe that he was an actual Indian prophet, philosopher, or mystic who appeared from the wilderness at a critical moment in Iroquois history to guide and direct Hiawatha, and who, like Buddha ... was elevated, after his death, to the status of a demigod.


"Deganawiday had come from the lands of the Hurons, the Iroquoian ‘crooked tongues’ who lived along the lakes in eastern Ontario.  Nothing for sure is known about his birth or early life but tradition has woven a marvelous tale that might reflect influences sown among the Iroquois in later days by Christians.  According to this story Deganawiday was the son of an unmarried virgin named Djigosasee, who lived alone with her mother, too poor and despised to belong to a clan, on the outskirts of a Huron village.  No man paid Djigosasee attention, but when she began to show that she was carrying a child her mother grew furious and upbraided her for bringing scandal upon them by not having married the father.  The poor, confused daughter protested tearfully, but her mother kept up her angry assaults until one night in a dream she learned that her daughter had been telling the truth, and that a male child would be born whom they should name Deganawidah, meaning "he the thinker."  The boy, she also learned to her horror, would be destined indirectly to cause the ruin of the Huron people.


"With the name Deganawiday, the fatherless youth grew to manhood, a lonely, brooding figure, ignored and persecuted by the other Hurons.  His only companion was his mother, who taught him tolerance and love and made him aware that he had been given a divine mission in the world.  He stammered terribly and could scarcely talk, but he had a handsome face that came gradually to reflect the soul of a mystic.  One day he had a powerful vision that swept over and transformed him.  He saw a great spruce tree, reaching up to the sky and growing strong from soil composed of three sets of double principles of life.  They were: sanity of mind and health of body--peace between individuals and groups; righteousness in conduct, thought and speech--equity and justice among peoples; physical strength and civil authority--power of the orenda.  The tree was anchored in the ground by five roots, and from its base stretched a snow-white carpet that covered the rocky countryside.  Atop the tree sat an eagle.  In the symbolism of the vision, Deganawidah recognized the tree as humanity, growing from the basic principles of virtuous relations among men.  The carpet protected the lands of tribes that adopted the three double principles, but it could be extended to the ends of the earth to provide the shelter of brotherhood and peace to every nation and race of mankind.  The five roots were five tribes that gave the tree its firm support, and the eagle was humanity's lookout against any enemies that might try to disturb the peace.


"Deganawidah now understood his mission.  The vision had been a directive to him from the Master of Life to set out and unite the human race in a single family founded on the three double principles.  It was impossible for him to begin his task among the Hurons, where he was an outcast and had no standing.  So, after saying good-by to his mother, he left the country of the “crooked tongues" and traveled to the lands of other Iroquois looking for converts and disciples.  Because he belonged to no tribe, he was allowed to move freely through the countries of strangers but, when he preached he stammered and his words were not well received." (35: p.17-20)


There are different versions on how Deganawidah and Hiawatha first met and which of the two was the most instrumental in getting the agreement of the Iroquoian tribes (other than the Onondagas) to agree to their peaceful ideas.  Hiawatha was an eloquent orator and preacher of peace, but without any specific plan of how to achieve it.  “Deganawidah had a practical plan of unified government among the Indians, based on a set of specific principles or laws.  But Deganawidah could not speak well, and Hiawatha became his messenger to the tribes, using his powers of statesmanship and oratory to win acceptance of what was to become known as the Great Peace.  One nation after another, among the five, agreed to it, but again Atotarho and his Onondagas were the stumbling block to its final achievement.  This time, with Deganawidah's guidance, Hiawatha succeeded in converting the evil wizard." (35: p.20-21)


A very picturesque legend tells how Hiawatha and Deganawidah went to straighten out Atotarho's twisted mind and body and to comb the snakes out of his hair.  In fact, the name Hiawatha, means "he the comber."  One way or another, Hiawatha finally convinced Atotarho of the value of a peaceful alliance with the other Iroquois tribes.  Little is known of their actual conversation, except that, when the agreement was reached, the chief Onondaga Sachem was declared to be the "firekeeper” or most important member of the confederacy.  The land of the Onondagas was chosen to be the location of the perpetual council fire.  With the agreement of the Onondagas, the Senecas also agreed to join and the League became a reality.


Under the guidance of Deganawidah and Hiawatha, this council met and framed an oral constitution and a set of laws.  Fifty sachems would make up the Council, fourteen from the Onondagas, ten from the Cayugas, nine from both the Mohawks and Oneidas, and eight from the Senecas.  No war sachem could be a delegate to the Federation Council as they might be inclined to propose war too readily.  Individual rights of safety and justice were recognized.  The “Great Peace” was instituted and missionaries were sent out to other tribes to proclaim its virtues. If another tribe agreed to join the Great Peace they could be brothers, if not, the Iroquois would attack to destroy them.  Cannibalism was outlawed except during war against enemies of the Great Peace, then it was permissible to eat the heart of an enemy to acquire his strength.


Believing that the Great Peace had now begun and that it would spread to all peoples of the world, Deganawidah gathered his followers together and said, "Now I shall be seen no more of men and I go whither none can follow me."  He then got into a canoe of luminously white stone, paddled out onto Lake Onondaga, and disappeared into the sunset.


Hiawatha spent the remainder of his days traveling to the neighboring tribes to spread the word of the League.  He visited the Eries, Hurons and Neutrals, then on to the Shawnees, Delawares, Miamis, Sauk and other tribes around the Great Lakes region.  According to the Iroquois legends, Hiawatha had great success among these tribes, but in the histories from these other tribes today there is no evidence that they changed much from his visit.  Hiawatha eventually grew old on the edge of Lake Champlain.  He eventually sailed away into the mist in a white bark canoe.  The legends about both Deganawidah and Hiawatha were deified after their deaths, and further enhanced with the passage of time shortly before the arrival of the first Europeans.


Although at peace with themselves, it was not long before the Iroquois were engaged in fierce war with their neighbors.  The conviction of their beliefs drove them to a holy crusade against those who would not accept the Great Peace.  When the first French explorers sailed down the St. Lawrence, they found the Hurons and northern Algonquians suffering from the brutal attacks of extermination by the Iroquois.  As the French set up forts and began to trade for furs with the Hurons and other Indians of the area, it did not take long for them to view the Iroquois as a serious obstacle to their trade.


In 1609 Samuel de Champlain arrived in "New France" and led a party of French and Indian allies from Montreal into the Iroquois territory for the express purpose of ridding themselves of some of their enemies.  He wrote, "I had come with no other intention than to make war, for we had with us only arms and not merchandise for barter, as [the Indians] had been led to understand." (39: p.41)  His party marched south to discover Lake Champlain.  On the edge of that lake they found their first Iroquois Indians.  Leaving his friendly Indian companions behind, he marched with a few of his French soldiers and fired their guns directly into the Iroquois, killing several in the first volley.  The Indians had never seen, nor heard, guns before and the noise and death horrified those on both sides.  Champlain made subsequent attacks on the Iroquois in 1610 and 1615.  These actions laid the groundwork for years of resentment and hatred between the French and Iroquois.


By 1614, the Dutch were sailing up the Hudson River to trade for furs and make forts.  They soon established Fort Orange, at present day Albany, as well as a location on Manhattan Island.  The Iroquois were anxious to establish good relations with the Dutch in hopes of getting weapons with which to fight the French and their allied Indians.


Throughout the 1600's, there were wars between the Iroquois and their surrounding neighbors almost continually.  These were not spur-of-the-moment, angry clashes without cause, but instead were strategically calculated to weaken and destroy certain enemies.  In the 1640's, the Iroquois succeeded in dealing a severe blow to the Hurons and chasing many of their allies as far away as Detroit.  The entire area around Lake Erie was void of people due to death or retreat from the five nations.  The Iroquois replenished their own severe losses by their practice of capturing and adopting former enemies into their tribe with full status as members and thus their orenda continued to grow.


At times, during the 1600's, the Iroquois even tried to make peace with the French, but these were always short-lived and selfishly motivated on both sides.  On a few occasions, the French even sent Jesuits into Onondaga country to preach to them but this usually resulted in worsening relationships.  In 1649, the French were appalled to learn of an Iroquois attack on the Hurons in which, two French Jesuit missionaries were eaten and the Huron nation was broken forever.


In 1664, the English took control of New Amsterdam, from the Dutch, and changed the name to New York.  The Iroquois built a peaceful relationship with the English, which lasted for many years.  They sincerely believed in, and preached, peace and yet waged ferocious wars on all sides as a means to attain the "Great Peace they sought.


[Sources: 25, 26, 35, 39]








Chapter 14


ONONDAGA & MOHAWK--IROQUOIS;  AND RAMAPOO--DELAWARE


DEKANASSORA; KOISTINE; KYNE; CATOONA; OLD CHICKEN WARRUPS

ANN WARRUPS I;  CAPTAIN THOMAS CHICKEN WARRUPS;  ANN WARRUPS II



Dekanassora (Decanisora, Teganissorens) came to prominence about 1680 as a leading Onondaga Sachem and as the most eloquent orator and diplomat since Hiawatha.  He spent much of his fifty years as Sachem attempting to negotiate peace treaties with both the English and French and, at different times, was at least partially successful in this.  Many of his speeches were recorded by translators although much of their masterful beauty was lost, no doubt, in the translation.  He was described as a "tall, well-formed man, graceful in elocution, possessing great fluency of speech, powerful in argument, with features resembling the bust of Cicero." (24: p.79)


For most of Dekanassora's life, England and France were at war with each other in Europe.  This was extended to their new world colonies as well, and to their Indian allies.  The Iroquois traditionally had poor relations with the French and so, for the price of guns and ammunition, became good allies of the English and were used by them to fight their battles.  There were times when Dekanassora had to reprove the English for their lack of support and other times when he earnestly sought to reconcile their differences with the French, to create a lasting peace but, most of his life saw war with the French and their Indian allies.  Several times in the 1680's, Dekanassora was sent to the English Governor (Corlear) to reassure him of the loyalty of the Five Nations.


"Brother Corlear--Your sachem (King Charles of England) is great and we but a small people.  When the English came to Manhattas, that is New York, Aragiske, which is now called Virginia, and Jaquokrandgare, called Maryland, they were but a small people and we a great people, and finding they were a good people we gave them land and treated them civilly; and now since you are a great people and we but a small, you will protect us from the French, which if you do not, we shall lose all our hunting and beavers, and the French will have them, and be angry with us for bringing them to you.


"Brethern--We have put all our land and ourselves under the protection of the great Duke of York, the brother of your great sachem.  We have given the Susquehanna River, which we won with the sword for this government, and desire that it may be a branch of that great tree that grows here, whose top reaches to the sun, under whose branches we shall shelter ourselves from the French or any other people, and our fire burn in your houses, and your fire burn with us, and we desire that it always may be so, and will not that any of your Penn's people shall settle on the Susquehanna River, for our young folks and soldiers are like wolves in the woods, as your sachems of Virginia know, we having no other lands to leave to our wives and children.


"We have put ourselves under the protection of the great sachem, Charles, that lives over the great lake, and we give you two white dressed deer skins, to be sent to the great sachem, Charles, that he may write upon them, and put a great red seal upon them.  That we do put the Susquehanna River above the Washiata or falls, and all the rest of our land, under the great Duke of York, and no one else.  Our brethern, his servants, were as fathers to our wives and children, and did give us bread when we were in need of it, and we will neither join ourselves or our lands to any other government than his, and we desire that Corlear, the Governor, may send over to your great sachem, Charles, that dwells over the great lake, with this belt of wampum-peag and another smaller belt for the Duke of York, his brother, and we give a beaver to Corlear to send over this Proposition; and your great man of Virginia, (Lord Effingham, Governor) we let you know that great (William) Penn did speak to us here in Corlear's house, by his agents, and desired to buy the Susquehanna River; but we would not hearken to him, nor come under his government, and therefore desire you to be witness of what we now do, and that we have already done, and tell your friend that lives over the great lake, we know that we are a free people, uniting ourselves to what sachem we please, and do give you one beaver skin to establish it." (24: p.262-3)


In 1687, the French had 1500 troops and 500 Indians ready to make a show of strength against the Senecas in the west.  Learning of their intentions, the Senecas withdrew further into the interior of their lands burning their own villages as they went.  At one point the French were ambushed and suffered a loss of one hundred men.  The Senecas lost about eighty men in the same battle.  The French regrouped and marched deeper into the Seneca's land where they found and burned deserted villages and farms.  They also found, and cruelly tortured to death, two old men, who chose to remain behind to chastise the French.


As the French army retreated, they stopped at Niagara and built a fort where a hundred men were stationed with eight months of provisions.  Soon, however, the five tribes attacked this fort and all but about seven or eight souls perished.  The entire march was a great show of strength but accomplished nothing and, in fact, cost the French many lives.  Concerned by the bold aggression of the French, the Iroquois sent a delegation to the Mayor of Albany with Dekanassora as the main spokesman.  The following brief outline, of his main points, was recorded:


"Dekanassora speaker--We have heard that the French are going to make war upon us.  We have been to Cadaraqui and taken some prisoners.  We have not seen the Maquas (Mohawks.)  We desire of His Excellency to send for our fort at Onondaga, six great guns.  "The Governor of Cadaraqui (French) desired us to come to him this spring, but we did not go.  We desire to deliver the French prisoners to your Excellency.


"The French have a fort at Onyagare (Niagara.)


"The Cayougas and Sinnekes begin to grow faint-hearted because the French are strong.


"His Excellency spoke of making a fort, which was proposed to be made at Kajonhare, but we are of opinion, that it would be better to be at Sowego (Oswego) a place a day’s journey from Onondaga.  We renew the covenant chain and give a belt of wampum ten deep." (24: p. 265)


The Mayor of Albany recommended that the five tribes collect an army to go to Schenectady for the winter as that is where they next expected the French to attack.  The Indians liked the plan and returned to their tribes to report on the meeting.


On 8 February 1687-8, Col Dongan, Governor of New York, told the leaders of the five tribes that  England and France had declared a short truce of fifteen months to discuss a lasting peace.  He informed the Indians that the French were to give up any prisoners they held at that time and if they didn't the English would arm the Indians for continued war with the French.


"Answer of the Six Nations to Governor Dongan, through Dekanissora, chief speaker:--


"The sachems return thanks for the care of the Governor, and because he resents the acts of the French, and for not hiding any thing from them.


"We condemn the claim of the French to any part of our territories, and demand that their forts be speedily demolished.


"They have no claim even to Cadaraqui or Mont Royall, nor none of our lands towards the Otowaws, Diondadies, Twichtwichs. They claim title because they burned our cabins and destroyed our corn. If that is a title, we have a title to the whole of Canada, for there we subdued whole nations of Indians, and demolished their castles, in so much, that great trees grow where they were built.


"Our lands have been placed under the protection of the English King, and he must protectthem and suffer no encroachments.


"We formerly had a friendship for the French, but it was held by the left hand; that is broken off now, and the English have the right hand, fast and firm, and we renew the chain, that it may be firm and lasting.


"If the Governor of Canada will not restore the prisoners and goods, we will continue the war.  But we leave the whole business with the Governor of New York, and whatever he and the great king agrees to, we stand by, whether peace or war." (24: p.266-7)


At this time, M. De Nonville, the Governor of Canada, invited the chiefs of the five nations to Montreal under friendly conditions to discuss a lasting peace.  Hearing of the proposed truce, Adario, Sachem of a western tribe, allied with the French, became jealous of his position and worried that he would be of little value to the French if they concluded a peace with the Iroquois.  He, with 100 of his warriors, set an ambush for the sachems of the five nations as they marched toward Montreal.  In the attack, many of the Iroquois were killed and the remainder were captured, including Dekanassora.  After the battle, Adario sat down with his captives to talk and completed his deception by telling them the French had sent him to ambush them.  From previous encounters with the French, this was an easy tale to believe and Adario concluded by setting his captives free, giving them presents and telling them he was so sorry to be duped by the French and that he would support the Iroquois in revenging the injustice.


The survivors returned home to relate their experience to all of the five tribes, who were outraged at the supposed deception of their French enemies.  Shortly thereafter, on July 26, 1688, twelve hundred Iroquois warriors from the five united tribes, suddenly invaded the island of Montreal to the complete surprise of the French.  They burned most of the buildings, plundered and brutally killed over 1000 men, women and children in the most atrocious manner possible, with little loss to the Indians.  It was a terrible set back to the French.  Many were carried away captives to experience even greater torment prior to an agonizing death.  It was said that the five nations lost only three men in this battle and they were men left behind, too drunk to follow.


Small raiding parties continued to attack and harass the French so constantly that they were afraid to go into their fields to plant or harvest food.  Between the famine that followed and the frequent forays, several thousand of the French died during the coming year.


On Jan. 22, 1690, a council was held at Onondaga, consisting of eighty sachems.  Representatives from Albany were also there.  They had heard that Count Frontenac had returned as Governor of Canada and wanted to meet with representatives of the five nations.  He asked specifically that Dekanassora be there.  Some of the sachems thought it best to meet with the French in the spring but, in the end, they decided not to send Dekanassora.  Instead they sent a message that they could not trust the word of the French, nor their treaties.


Impatient for action, the French attacked the English in an attempt to discredit them in front of the Iroquois.  Attack and counterattack went on and on over the next several years.  Wearying of war, all of the Iroquois tribes, except the Mohawks, wanted to end hostilities with the French.  Jesuits had been sent into the Iroquois lands to determine their feelings for peace and invite the leaders to discuss the matter at Montreal.  At length, the four tribes agreed to send a delegation to the French but, not without first going to the Mohawks and the English, to tell them of their intentions.  Again, Dekanassora was selected to lead and to be the speaker.  They traveled first to Albany in the winter of 1693-4, where part of Dekanassora's discourse was as follows:


"Brother Cayenguirago, (the Indian’s name for Gov. Fletcher) when the Christians first arrived in this country, we received them kindly.  When they were but a small people, we entered into a league with them, to guard them from all enemies whatsoever.  We were so fond of their society that we tied the great canoe which brought them, not with a rope made of bark, to a tree, but with a strong iron chain fastened to a great mountain.  Now, before the Christians arrived, the General Council of the Five Nations was held at Onondaga, where there has been from the beginning a continual fire kept burning; it is made of two great logs, whose flame never extinguishes.  As soon as the hatchet makers (Christians) arrived the General Council at Onondaga planted this tree at Albany, whose roots and branches have since spread as far as New England, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia; and under the shade of this tree all the English Colonies have frequently been sheltered. (Seven fathoms of wampum to renew the chain.)


"The only reason, to be plain with you, of our sending to make peace with the French, is the low condition to which we are reduced, while none of our neighbors send us the least assistance, so that the whole burden of the war lies on us alone.  Our brethren of New England, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, of their own accord, thrust their arms into our chain; but since the war began, we have received no assistance from them.  We, alone, cannot continue the war against the French, by reason of the recruits they daily receive from the other side of the great lake.


"Brother Cayenguirago--speak from your heart.  Are you resolved to prosecute the war vigorously against the French; and are your neighbors of Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, Connecticut and New England, resolved to assist us?  If it be so, notwithstanding any treaty hitherto entered into, we will prosecute the war as hotly as ever.  But if our neighbors will not assist, we must make peace, and we submit it to your consideration, by giving this great belt fifteen deep.


"Brother Cayenguirago--I have truly told you the reasons which have induced us to offer peace to the French; we shall likewise, from the bottom of our hearts, inform you of the design we have in this treaty.  When the Governor of Canada shall have accepted the nine belts, of which I have just now told you, then we shall have something more to say, by two large belts, which lie hid in our bosom.  We shall lay down first one and say, we have a brother Cayenguirago, with whose people we have been united in one chain from the beginning.  They must be included in this treaty; we cannot see them involved in bloody war, while we sit easy in peace.  If the Governor of Canada answer, that he has made a separate peace with us, and that he cannot make any peace with Cayenguirago, because the war is from over the great lake, then we shall lay down the second broad belt and tell the Governor of Canada; if you will not include Cayenguirago's people, the treaty will become thereby void, as if it had never been made, and if he persists, we will absolutely leave him." (24: p.80-82)


From Albany, Dekanassora went to Montreal to listen to the French proposal.  The French wanted peace but, also wanted to build a fort on the Iroquois land at Cadaraqui garrisoned with soldiers.  Further, they didn't want the English to trade with, nor the Iroquois to fight against, the Indian allies of the French.  Many presents were exchanged in the meeting but at the end the French, perhaps sensing the Iroquois were not accepting the offer, issued a final threat that, if the terms of the treat were not agreed to, the French would attack and utterly destroy the Five Nations.  The threat was a concern to the Iroquois but they recognized the French had never yet been able to accomplish this and were not likely to now.


Returning to Albany with the weighty matter of the French proposal, to sell his country to the enemy or face their invading army of destruction, Dekanassora reported to the English his rejection of the French peace proposal.  "Our brother Cayenguirago's arms and our own are stiff, and tired with holding fast the chain.  Our neighbors sit still and smoke at their ease.  The fat is melted from our flesh and fallen on them.  They grow fat while we grow lean. 


"This chain made us the enemy of the French.  If all held fast as Cayenguirago, it would have been a terror to them.  If we would all heartily join and take the hatchet in hand, our enemy would soon be destroyed.  We should forever after live in peace and ease.  Do your parts, and thunder itself cannot break the chain. (24: p.82)


The French made plans for an immediate attack on the Mohawks, but when word of it leak out, the plans were aborted.  In 1695, the French returned to repair and occupy the old Fort Cadaraqui, which the Count now renamed Fort Frontenac, after himself.  The following year the Count, still angered by the Iroquois and seeking annihilation, assembled the entire Canadian militia available, and all the Indians he could enlist, including those of the Owenagungas, Quatoghies, Sokakies, Adirondacks, Nipiciriniens, Utawawas, Abenaquis, and some of the Christian Iroquois into an immense army to go against the Onondagas.  July and August were spent making an impressive march deep into the Iroquois country but, again, the Onondagas retreated ahead of the army, burning their own villages as they went.  Only one old man chose to remain, to die at the hands of the French.  Though the French Indians tortured him they couldn't make him wince with pain.  "He told his tormentors to remember well his death, when his countrymen should come to take terrible vengeance on them.  Upon which, one of them stabbing him several times with a knife, he thanked him; 'But,' said he, ‘you had better make me die by fire, that these dogs of Frenchmen may learn to suffer like men.  You Indians, their allies, you dogs of dogs, think of me when you shall be in a like condition.'  It was, says Charlevoix, a strange and curious spectacle, to see many hundred men surrounding a decrepit old warrior, striving by tortures, to draw a groan from him.  While life lasted, he reproached the Indians with becoming slaves to the French.  When one stabbed him with a knife, 'You do wrong' said he, 'to shorten my days; you should have taken more time to learn how to die like men.'  He bore their inflictions with the most stoical indifference.  Never was a man treated with more cruelty, nor did any ever bear it with superior magnanimity and resolution.  He died as became an Indian warrior.  This sachem was the only man of the Onondagas killed." (24: p.282)


Finding they could inflict no worse damage than to kill the one old man and burn some fields of corn, the French began to withdraw.  As they did, the Onondagas followed them, picking off stragglers and creating havoc as they marched.  While little direct damage was done by either side during this invasion, the French and their allies, by being away from home for the summer, lost their crops and suffered a terrible famine the following winter.  The Iroquois, on the other hand, appeared to their enemies to have well withstood the large French army and, as a result, many of the western Indian tribes, against the wishes of the French, made peace with the Five Nations.


In 1697, England and France made a truce between their two countries in Europe and word was sent to stop hostilities in America.  Even after this was concluded, the French in Canada, did not intend that the treaty should apply to the five Iroquois nations.  The Englishmen in New York sent word however, that the Iroquois were their subjects and any acts against them would mean a continuation of the war.  Both colonies sent complaints to their respective governments and were told to stop the fighting, including that with the Indians.  The French formed a delegation to visit Dekanassora to conclude the peace.  They were received warmly by the old Sachem, who showed them the honor and respect due the representatives of a foreign government.


The signing of a peace treaty did not mean an end to all turmoil nor hostilities for the five nations.  Dekanassora's life, like his fellow Iroquois, was spent in war with enemies on all sides.  It was not uncommon for these men to travel over a thousand miles to fight battles as far away as the Carolinas, the upper Mississippi River Valley and throughout the Great Lakes region. Today, it is easy for us to judge but, hard for us to understand the rationale for such an intellegent people to be so frequently involved in war, while at the same time being so loving, kind and considerate of their own peoples and wanting to live in peace.  Dekanassora went on to lead his Onondagas for over thirty more years.  Additional speeches can be found which give glimpses of his political insight, his integrity and strength of character.  He died in St. Louis about the year 1730.


The names of his children are not known.  Bearce says that one of his daughters married a Mohawk war sagamore named Ky-ne, who was the son of Ko-is-ti-ne, the "head Sachem of the Mohawks in 1640.  Ko-is-ti-ne was a grandson (direct male line) of De-kan-a-wid-ah (Deganawidah), great medicine sachem and law giver of the Mohawks and of the five nations of the Ho-de-na-se-ne (Houdenosaunee--League of Five Iroquois Tribes) in 1540." (9)



[Note: For the information provided in the preceding paragraph, Bearce was the only source found.  No other information is available to either substantiate, or refute these relationships.  The age of Dekanassora casts some doubt on the accuraccy of the information.  While his birth date is not known, it is obvious from recorded history that he was the prominent Onondaga Sachem from 1670 to 1730.  As will be discussed later, his Grandson, Old Chicken Warrups (or Sam Mohawks) is said, by Bearce, to have been born about 1650-55, making him 75-80 years old when his Grandfather died.  For Dekanassora to have a grandson born by 1650-55, he would have to have been born by at least 1620, making him about 110 at the time of his death.  This may be possible, however, as he was referred to as an "old sachem" in 1697 (33 years before his death.)  His Grandson, Old Chicken Warrups, lived to be about 99; and Chicken's son, Captain Thomas Chicken Warrups, lived past age 96, according to Bearce.]



The original name is not known for the man who later came to be known as Old Chicken Warrups (Chickens, Warrups, Wallups, Sam Mohawk.)  He is said, by Bearce, to be the son of Ky-ne, the Mohawk war sagamore, by his wife, the daughter of Dekanassora.  Chickens had a brother named "Tach-an-u-tie, the Black Prince."  Ky-ne's father was "Ko-is-ti-ne, head Sachem of the Mohawks in 1640." Bearce goes on to say that Ko-is-ti-ne was a grandson, by direct male line, of De-kan-a-wid-ah (Deganawidah) founder of the Iroquois League of the five nations. (9)


"Historians state that Old Chicken committed a murder in Conn(ecticut) before going to Schaghticoke.  This is incorrect.  In his youth Chicken first killed an Onondaga youth of non-royal blood, over a girl, and the Grand Council banished him from the Five Nations.  Had he not been of noble Iroquois blood he would have paid (for) the murder with his life.  After he was banished, and took the trail, he drifted into Connecticut and being of the Ho-do-na-sen-ne (Iroquois League) was captured by the Ramapoos, and his life was saved, when the daughter of Catoona, claimed him for a husband." (9)


The Ramapoo Indians were one of many tribes of the Delaware Nation.  The Delaware (or Lenni-Lenape) Nation consisted of a very large number of small tribes occupying all of what is now New Jersey, Delaware, the eastern part of Pennsylvania, and the southeastern extension of New York.  Although Algonquian speaking they paid an annual tribute to the Iroquois to avoid hostile relations.


The Ramapoo was just one small tribe originally from northern New Jersey.  With the encroachment of the Dutch and English into their land, Catoona, (Katonah or Katoonah) led his people eastward to the fertile plains between Connecticut and the Hudson River Valley sometime between 1640 and 1680.  Here it was that Old Chicken Warrups, probably in his late teens (about 1667-9) found this tribe.  He married Catoona's daughter and they had a daughter, Ann Warrups, who was probably born about 1670, and a son, Captain Thomas Chicken Warrups, born about 1673. (9)


In the peaceful valley, away from the European settlers, the Indians seemed to enjoy their own lifestyle.  However, in 1680, twenty two men from Stamford, Conn. came in search of more land to buy.  They liked the area occupied by the Ramapoo tribe and on December 23, 168O concluded the purchase of 7673 acres of good land for about 46 British pounds worth of coats, cloth, blankets and wampum.  A copy of the purchase agreement can be found in I Vol.  Bedford Deeds, page 129, and Katoonah's (Catoona's) name as the Sachem, along with seven of his followers, can be seen on the document. (41: p.579-581)


This land was subdivided into eight smaller parcels which were all deeded over to various settlers.  The first seven of these were deeded before 1704 and "Katonah's" name is on each of the seven. 



[Also found on some of these deeds is the name of Chickheage or Chickheog.  It is not known who this is but, the name bears some resemblance to that of Catoona's son-in-law, “Chicken,” as he was called by the English.  If Chickheage was his real name, it is easy to see how the English may have shortened it to something they could pronounce--"Chickens."]


Shortly after the seventh deed was signed by Catoona, he led his people away from this area.  Today, the small village of Katonah (named after Catoona) in Bedford, N.Y., is the only reminder of the early residents.


From there, Catoona and his people migrated farther east, to what is now known as Ridgefield, Connecticut.  Here again, what was recognized as a good home for the Indians was soon coveted by the colonists and, on Oct. 10, 1708, a group of Englishmen from Norwalk and Milford, bought, from Catoona, an estimated twenty thousand acres for one hundred British pounds.  From there, the Ramapoo Indians packed up and began wandering to find a new home. (6: p.359-360)


From this point, it is not clear where the Ramapoo Indians went.  Catoona would have been about eighty years old.  There is a legend that he is buried near Bedford, N.Y. but, this is not certain. 


It is likely that, sometime between 1680-85, after the original sale of the Ramapoo tribal land, Old Chicken Warrups, his wife and children moved to Greenfarms, between Westport and Fairfield, Conn., and later removed to Reading.  "In 1720 he received here the Indian belt which came from Towattowau, and forwarded it to the village of the Potatucks.  Five years after, [March lst, 1725] he sold all his land to Samuel Couch, of Fairfield, for twelve pounds and six shillings; reserving to himself, and his heirs, liberty to fish and fowl on land and water, and also such a tract of land around his wigwam as a committee appointed by the Assembly should think proper.  Such a tract was laid out for him accordingly; but, owing to Chickens's ignorance of public business, the vote was never approved, and the appropriation remained incomplete.  He subsequently, therefore, found himself deprived of all his land without the power of ever reclaiming it.  Having laid the case before the Assembly, he obtained [1746] a grant of one hundred acres, mostly arable and of a qood quality. (Indian Papers, Vol. I. Document 114; Vol.  II.  Documents 25-30.)  Two years after, a man named John Read proposed to exchange with him and, in place of his one hundred acres at Reading, to give him two hundred at Scatecook (Schagticoke), in the township of Kent...  It was bounded on the east by the Housatonic, in which there was good fishing, and on the west by mountains, where there was plenty of game.  At Reading his fences were decayed, his trees partly gone, the English were gathering round him, and their beasts injured his crops.  Having received permission from the Assembly, he made the exchange, [1749] and removed to Scatacook. (Indian Papers, Vol. II, Document 31.)  But Chickens was growing old and unable to support himself by labor; and in 1762 he petitioned the Assembly that thirty acres of his land might be sold, and the proceeds expended in paying his debts and providing for his future support.  His request was granted, and the business was committed to his overseer, Jabez Smith.  The old sagamore died not many years after, leaving his remaining land to his squaw and one or two children." (8: p.359-359)



[Note: This account indicates that he lived "not many years after" 1762, as an old man.  Bearce says Chicken was born about 1650-55 and died in 1749 at almost 100 years of age.  It seems likely that the "Chicken" mentioned in the land records in 1762, was Capt. Thomas Chicken Warrups, who died in 1769; rather than his father, "Old Chicken Warrups," who was already dead.]



'Ihe only two known children of Old Chicken Warrups and his wife (the daughter of Catoona) were Captain Thomas Chicken Warrups and Ann Warrups I.  Captain Thomas also had two children, a son, Reading (probably named for the town where they lived) and a daughter, Ann Warrups II, who married Joseph Mauwee, and more will be given on this family in chapter 19.  Ann Warrups, the daughter of Captain Thomas, is sometimes called Ann II, to differentiate her from her Aunt, Ann Warrups I.  Bearce says, Thomas Chicken Warrups died at Schaghticoke in 1769, passed 96 years of age. (9)  This would agree with the land records as cited above.


Ann Warrups I, half Iroquois (Mohawk & Onondaga) from her father, Old Chicken Warrups, and half Delaware (Ramapoo) from her mother, the daughter of Catoona, grew to womanhood in the back country of New York and Connecticut.  She was the daughter of a sachem without tribal lands.  In this she was not alone.  During her lifetime many Indians were leaving their former homelands and gathering in western Connecticut.  A conglomeration of "left-overs" was forming around the Christian Mission of Schaghticoke (about four to five miles southwest of Kent, CT). Most of these were descendants of what were once the Wampanoags, Narragansetts, Niantics, Pequots, Mohegans, etc.  These came to be known as the Schaghticoke and Eastern Indians.


Ann Warrups I grew up in close contact with the English spending her teenage years on the southern Connecticut coast near Fairfield.  At a young age, she met a young Englishman named Richard Baldwin.  It does not appear that this couple married.  On his pedigree chart, Franklin E. Bearce lists their son: John Baldwin, or Nau-a-see, as the son of "Richard Baldwin (white) of Old Milford, Conn. and his friend Ann Warrups lst, dau. of Chicken Warrups." In another place, he says, Ann Warrups 1st, Mother of Nau-a-see or Indian John Baldwin, afterwards married a Mauwee... a brother of Gideon Mauwee." (9)  "Afterwards" should be taken to mean: after the birth of her son, Nau-a-see, or Indian John Baldwin, as he was sometimes called.


Little is known of Ann's life after her marriage to ___________ Mauwee (probably Joshua Mauwee as he is the only known brother of  Gideon but it is possible that there were other Mauwee brothers).  It is probable that they moved up the Housatonic River to Schagticoke, where Gideon Mau-hu-we-hu (Mauwee) was the Sachem.  If additional children were born to this couple it was not recorded.  Nauasee, although half white, grew up among the Indians in western Connecticut.  More will be given on him and his children in chapter 15.


[Sources: 8, 9, 24, 33, 41, 50]